E-piphany

For a couple of years, I have been relentlessly defending my forward inflation forecasts against a sizeable group of people who looked at various high-frequency rent indicators and concluded that rents were going to be imminently in deflation. (For most of the last year many of those same people thought tariffs would be a large and immediate effect increasing inflation. Fortunately for them, being wrong on both counts, at least the errors offset somewhat.)

This battle began in early 2023, shortly after the publication of new indices by the Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland, supported by a paper entitled “Disentangling Rent Index Differences: Data, Methods, and Scope” by Adams, Lowenstein, and Verbrugge. Those authors parsed the BLS rent microdata to separate out the new tenants, and created a “New Tenant Repeat Rent” (NTRR) Index that supposedly served as a leading indicator of what all rents were going to do. Naturally, NTRR had peaked early and was heading down sharply, which reinforced the observation from things like Zillow, Apartment list, etc that new rents in the aftermath of the post-eviction-moratorium catch-up were declining.[1]

The San Francisco Fed also published a piece in mid-2023, entitled “Where is Shelter Inflation Headed,” by Kmetz, Louis, and Mondragon. Don’t get me wrong, I love it when people try to create better models of inflation processes. But this was another one that made just terrible forecasts, because (as in the former case) it was put together by econometricians who didn’t understand the actual underlying process and thought they could just torture the truth out of the data. They included this wonderful (and subsequently damning, because the Internet remembers everything) chart.

Accompanying that chart was the helpful clarifying statement, in case you didn’t get the import: “Our baseline forecast suggests that year-over-year shelter inflation will continue to slow through late 2024 and may even turn negative by mid-2024.”

In case you were curious, it didn’t turn negative; in mid-2024 it was a bit above 5%.

So back then is when I had to start defending a fairly simple premise: the behavior of landlords when they offer rents to new renters does not necessarily mirror what they offer to renewing renters. In fact, I could be even more strident – landlords could not offer lower rents to everyone, even if they offered them to new renters. That’s because a landlord needs to cover his costs or he won’t be a landlord for long. And in 2023, the costs for a landlord were still rising very rapidly – labor, energy, insurance, taxes, maintenance, and so on. My model – first presented in Enduring Investments’ Quarterly Inflation Outlook in August 2023 – suggested that rents were going to decelerate, but much more slowly than others were forecasting. I had them as low as 3% by mid-2024 before flattening out, and even that turned out to be too aggressive on the disinflation side.

By now, regular readers are familiar with this model and familiar with the fact that it still is calling for Rent of Primary Residence to hang around the current 3% level for quite a while yet. Want ‘em lower? Lower landlord costs.

But this article isn’t meant (only) to pat myself on the back. I also want to recognize when someone gets it right and the great inflation analysts at Barclays recently published an article entitled “Apples and oranges in the CPI basket: Why market rent gauges mislead on shelter,” by Millar, Sriram, Giannoni, and Johanson. It is marvelous article, and you have access to Barclays Live and care about this topic you should read it. While they don’t build a cost-plus model like I did, they got to many of the core reasons why looking at new-renter indices is bound to be misleading. My favorite charts from the piece are below (I also had these in my recent CPI report).

What my model does is tell you why that had to be the case: landlords can’t just lower rents on their whole renter base if their costs are increasing. The only exception to that would be if there had been significant overbuilding such that there was a surplus of apartments over the demand from renters. In some places, especially those currently experiencing a negative immigration shock, that may be the case (although those places happen to also be the ones experiencing large increases in insurance costs, so it’s not quite that easy). But nationwide, there is not a surfeit of apartments for rent. Ergo, no rent deflation. And it’s going to stay that way for a while.

One final note here, about the recent Trump announcement that the Administration desires less institutional ownership of single family homes and apartments. I say ‘desires,’ even though that isn’t how it was phrased, since there appears to be no obvious way that the Administration can force this. They are reportedly looking into whether antitrust regulations can be used to keep institutions from accumulating very large portfolios of shelter units, but this looks like (at best) a task for the legislature, not the executive. But let’s consider quickly what the effect would be if Trump got his way in this regard.[2] Institutions which own homes and apartments don’t hold them off the market. That would be terrible carry. They rent them, just as landlords do. If you forced institutions to divest single-family homes, it would simply move supply from the rental market to the owned-home market. That would probably drive home prices a little lower, relative to the prior baseline, but increase rent growth at the margin. This doesn’t seem productive!

[1] I talked about NTRR in a July 2023 episode of my podcast: Ep.74: Inflation Folk Remedies

[2] Honestly, I don’t think he really means to do this. Some amount of what the President says – especially the impossible things – are intended for consumption by voters. I could be wrong on this. Mr. Trump does have a way of making things happen that didn’t seem possible initially, but in this case there’s probably not much he can do and anyway it wouldn’t have a big impact anyway.